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A Biobehavioral Model of Emergent Fatherhood The transition to fatherhood is a major developmental milestone for men. Inspired by Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994), we propose a model of the tran- sition to fatherhood that considers many levels, including the sociocultural level with respect to different expectations of fathers, childrearing attitudes, and involvement with infants. This level may influence the types of behavior fathers engage in with their infants (see Figure 1). As Figure 1 also shows, we pro- pose bidirectional relations between fathering behaviors and hormonal and neural components in the prenatal, perinatal, and postnatal phases. We discuss each of these areas to show how they affect and are affected by the transition to parenthood. Research has described these transitions in mothers more fre- quently than in fathers, but the effects of fathering on child development, in and of itself and in interaction with maternal behavior, have also been shown (Dagan & Sagi-Schwartz, 2018). Therefore, we need a complementary focus on fathers. Sociocultural Factors Sociocultural norms and values with regard to fathers’ involve- ment in child care have changed over time, affecting fathers’ personal norms and behaviors. Along with these changes, paid paternity leave has become more accessible, increasing opportu- nities for paternal caregiving that in turn may lead to hormonal and neural changes in fathers (see Figure 1). But significant dif- ferences in parental leave create disparities in opportunities for fathers’ involvement in infants’ care. Of the 186 countries exam- ined in one study (Heymann & McNeill, 2013), 179 provided paid maternity leave, and 81 countries extended paid leave to new fathers through parental leave that could be taken by either parent, or through paternity leave specific to fathers. The United States is one of few industrialized countries without any statutory national paid family leave provisions for either parent. On the other end of the continuum, Sweden allows parents 540 days of paid parental leave per child, of which 90 days are nontransfer- able for each parent, with the right to return to employment. Not all fathers use the opportunities for paid leave, and in general, fathers take leave less frequently than mothers. Why do couples use more maternal leave than paternal leave? First, breastfeeding favors the mother’s proximity to the infant, particularly during the first 6 months of the infant’s life. Second, because of income differences between men and women, it is often economically less feasible for fathers to reduce their work- ing hours than it is for mothers. Third, work-related and social expectations may push mothers into the role of primary care- givers and fathers into the role of secondary caregivers. Fourth, mothers may be (unconsciously) reluctant to delegate caregiving responsibilities to their partners (maternal gatekeeping; Gaunt, 2008). As a result, fathers spend less than half as much time in Figure 1. A biobehavioral model of emergent fatherhood. Note. The transition to fatherhood varies at many levels: sociocultural, behavioral, hormonal, and neural. Bidirectional relations exist between fathering behaviors and hormonal and neural components in the prenatal, perinatal, and postnatal phases. For example, expectations of fathers on the sociocultural level may influence their bonding and involvement in caregiving behaviors, which may in turn influence but may also be influenced by hormonal and neural processes. [Color figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com] Child Development Perspectives, Volume 13, Number 4, 2019, Pages 247–253 248 Marian J. Bakermans-Kranenburg etal. direct one-on-one interaction with their children as mothers, especially in early childhood (Wood & Repetti, 2004). Although quantity of time invested in parenting is considered less impor- tant than quality (Ainsworth, 1967), it takes time to get to know infants, become aware of their preferences, and read their (at- tachment) signals. Time spent directly responsible for infant care is related linearly to connectivity between parenting-related brain areas in fathers (Abraham et al., 2014), showing that sociocultural norms that affect paternal involvement (indexing the behavioral level of our model) also affect the neural level indirectly. Paternal Behavior For at least two reasons, it is important to realize that fathering starts during pregnancy. First, the prenatal environment has far- reaching consequences for child development (Glover, O’Don- nell, O’Connor, & Fisher, 2018), and fathers can influence that environment positively (e.g., by quitting smoking) and negatively (e.g., by engaging in partner violence). Behaviors that protect the pregnant partner, such as ensuring that she gets sufficient rest and avoids pathogenic foods, protect the infant and benefit the baby’s development. Whether and how interindividual and intraindividual variance in such behaviors is related to hormonal and neural variation, and to variation in postnatal parenting behavior, remains to be determined. Second, expectant fathers may experience somatic pregnancy symptoms, known as the couvade syndrome, including nausea, leg cramps, appetite and mood changes, and weight gain (Mason & Elwood, 1995). Estimates of incidence range from 11 to 79%, depending on what criteria studies use for inclusion. In nonin- dustrialized societies, the couvade syndrome may be a ritualiza- tion of the transition to fatherhood (e.g., in some cultures, the father remains in bed and is nurtured after the birth of the baby, while the mother resumes work), but it may also be related to typical physiological processes in fathers that eventually lead to parental responsiveness (Mason & Elwood, 1995). In one study, fathers with more couvade symptoms had a greater decrease in testosterone after exposure to infant cues (Storey, Walsh, Quin- ton, & Wynne-Edwards, 2000). Thus, the symptoms may be observable phenomena resulting from underlying hormonal changes that also predict dimensions of caregiving. Researchers have not yet related the couvade syndrome to the quality of post- natal caregiving. In the first year of an infant’s life, establishing an attachment relationship is an important developmental milestone. Although attachment theory has sometimes been criticized for emphasiz- ing the traditional role of mothers as sole caregivers, both Bowlby (1969/1982) and Ainsworth (1967) made explicit that fathers were common and capable attachment figures. In fact, Bowlby argued, based on Harlow’s (1958) experiments with fur and wire rhesus monkey mothers, that (breast-)feeding was not essential for the infant–parent relationship and that fathers could be capable caregivers of young infants. Indeed, the first study of the Strange Situation Procedure with fathers and moth- ers showed similar proportions of secure attachment with both parents (Main & Weston, 1981). Parental responses to infants’ interactive behaviors are gener- ally rated in terms of sensitivity or emotional support. Similar to the pattern of associations for mothers, higher levels of paternal sensitivity predict generally more favorable child outcomes. In correlational and experimental research, mothers’ sensitivity is associated modestly but robustly with secure infant–mother attachment (r =.24–.35; Verhage et al., 2016). For fathers, this meta-analytic association is weaker (r =.12; Lucassen et al., 2011), with fathers’ observed sensitivity sometimes similar to but often lower than mothers’ sensitivity (e.g., Volling, McEl- wain, Notaro, & Herrera, 2002). Indeed, it is not uncommon for studies to report that fathers are substantially less sensitive and less involved than mothers, but that similar proportions of chil- dren are securely attached to these fathers and mothers (e.g., Lickenbrock & Braungart-Rieker, 2015). This might suggest that the sensitivity or attachment measures used with mothers are less valid when used with fathers, or that different dimen- sions of parenting predict infant–father attachment (Grossmann et al., 2002). Given that the intergenerational transmission of attachment is similar in strength for fathers and mothers (Ver- hage et al., 2016), the search for paternal behavior underlying this transmission should get more attention. Stimulatory play and support of (cognitive) exploration may be paternal behaviors that promote secure infant–father attachment. Limit-setting has also been suggested as a specific although not exclusive dimen- sion of the father–child relationship (Grossmann et al., 2002). Just like with mothers’ parenting, fathers’ parenting may be hampered by feelings of depression in the postnatal period. The prevalence of perinatal depression in fathers is 4–10% (Paulson, Bazemore, Goodman, & Leiferman, 2016), and fathers’ depres- sion has been associated with problem behavior in children (Ramchandani, Stein, Evans, & O’Connor, 2005) and subse- quent depression in the children themselves (Gutierrez-Galve et al., 2018). Paternal perinatal depression influences the father–child relationship and is related to less optimal relation- ships between couples as well as to maternal depression (Paul- son et al., 2016), doubling the risk for unfavorable child outcomes. As in mothers, in fathers, hormonal imbalances may be related to postpartum depression (Saxbe et al., 2018), but lack of sufficient sleep may also play a role: 35% of parents with children under age 2 report that they get only 5–6 hr of sleep per night (Krueger & Friedman, 2009). Identifying risk factors for paternal perinatal depression is an important step toward prevention, ideally before the baby is born.