Read Aloud the Text Content

This audio was created by Woord's Text to Speech service by content creators from all around the world.

Text Content or SSML code:

This basic notion about the causes of revolutions was expanded into a more sys- tematic view. According to the J-curve theory (Davies, 1962, 1971), the “state of mind” of citizens determines whether there is political stability or revolution. Based on external conditions, individuals develop expectations regarding the satisfaction of their needs. Under certain conditions, per- sons expect continuing improvement in the satisfaction of their needs. If these expecta- tions are met, people are content, and polit- ical stability results. But if the gap between expectations and reality becomes too great, people can become frustrated and engage in protest and rebellious activity. Some have posited that revolutions oc- cur when the level of actual satisfaction de- clines following a period of rising expecta- tions and their relative satisfaction (Davies, 1971). These relationships are summarized in Figure 17.1. Note the J shape of the actual need satisfaction curve; as satisfaction de- clines, an intolerable gap between expected need satisfaction and actual need satisfac- tion emerges. Such a gap between one’s desired level of need satisfaction and one’s actual need satisfaction is called relative deprivation. Relative deprivation arises when people make a comparison between their own circumstances and some comparison situ- ation. The comparison might be made by an individual comparing oneself or one’s group to people from a different group or to an expected standard. For example, an African-American person might experience relative deprivation by comparing his or her own salary to the salaries of Whites, by comparing the overall level of Black salaries to White salaries, or by comparing to what that individual thinks is a fair salary level. Thus, even if things are improving, relative deprivation can still occur. Although it has been hypothesized that increasing relative deprivation in a group High Expected Need Satisfaction Actual Need Satisfaction Tolerable Gap Intolerable Gap Low TIME FIgure 17.1 The J-curve Model One theory of the causes of revolt is the J-curve theory. According to this model, rebellion occurs when there is an intolerable gap between people’s expectations of need satisfaction and the actual level of satisfaction they experience. In response to improved economic and social conditions, people expect continuing im- provement in the satisfaction of their needs. As long as they experience satisfaction, there is political stability, even if there is a gap between expected and actual sat- isfaction. If the level of actual satisfaction declines, the gap gets bigger; at some point it becomes intolerable, and collective action occurs. Source: Adapted from davies, “Toward a Theory of Revolution,” American Sociological Review, 27, 5–19, 1962. should increase the chances that collective behavior will break out, a large number of studies have failed to find such a rela- tionship (Gurney & Tierney, 1982). Other studies have tried to measure and analyze the relationship between the individual’s level of frustration or deprivation and his or her participation in protest. These studies found no differences in frustration or rela- tive deprivation between participants and nonparticipants (McPhail, 1994). On the other hand, there have been suc- cesses for relative deprivation theory as well. Corning and Myers (2002), for exam- ple, measured relative deprivation among women by focusing on group comparisons and found that women with higher rela- tive deprivation scores were more likely NEEDS 592 CollECTIvE bEhavIor and soCIal MovEMEnTs to have engaged in collective behavior and were more likely to expect to participate in the future. This and other research suggest that it is the feeling about one’s group be- ing deprived that is most important, rather than feelings about one’s own individual condition (Begley & Alker, 1982; Guimond & Dubé-Simard, 1983). In one laboratory experiment, the researchers manipulated whether deprivation (the loss of a promised $10 payment) was seen as due to individual failure or group membership. Participants who perceived it as due to group member- ship were more supportive of collective ac- tion (Foster & Matheson, 1995). Grievances and Competition. In any soci- ety, certain resources are highly valued but scarce. These resources include income or property, skills of certain types, and power and influence over others. Because of their scarcity, such resources are unequally dis- tributed. Some groups have more access to a given resource than others. When one group has a grievance—discontent with the existing distribution of resources—collec- tive behavior may occur to change that dis- tribution (Oberschall, 1973). Attempts to change the existing arrangement frequently elicit responses by other groups that are de- signed to preserve the status quo. The re- sult may be a series of actions by challeng- ers and power holders. There are three types of collective ac- tions (Tilly, Tilly, & Tilly, 1975). Compet- itive action involves conflict between com- munal groups, usually on a local scale. One example is conflict and violence directed toward members of certain ethnic groups. Such incidents are more likely when mem- bers of the two groups are competing for low-wage jobs or where there are sharp increases in immigration (Olzak, 1989, 1992). The high rates of lynching of Blacks in the South in the 1890s is another ex- ample. From 1865 to 1880, Blacks enjoyed large gains in political influence. By 1890, however, Whites were attempting to re- gain political control. Between 1890 and 1900, several state legislatures discussed laws that would have taken the vote away from Blacks. During these years, the num- ber of Blacks lynched in Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina reached a peak (Wasserman, 1977). The lynching of Blacks also increased during economic downturns—for example, when the price of cotton was declining (Beck & Tolnay, 1990). A second type of collective action, called reactive, involves a conflict between a local group and the agents of a national politi- cal system. Tax rebellions, draft resistance movements, and protests of governmental policy are reactive. Such behavior is a re- sponse to attempts by the state to enforce its rules (regarding military service, for example) or to extend its control (such as imposing a new tax). Thus, such events rep- resent resistance to the centralization of authority. A third type of collective action, called proactive, involves demands for material resources, rights, or power. Unlike reactive behavior, it is an attempt to influence rather than resist authority. Strikes by workers, demonstrations for equal rights or against abortion, and various nonviolent protest activities are all proactive. Most proactive situations involve broad coalitions rather than one or two locally based groups. The three underlying conditions dis- cussed in this section differ in their em- phasis. The strain model emphasizes the individual’s emotional state in explaining collective behavior. The relative depriva- tion view emphasizes the person’s subjec- tive assessment of need satisfaction. The grievance model suggests that collective behavior results from rational attempts to redistribute resources in society (Zurcher & Snow, 1990).