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Good morning, Gideon, it is my pleasure. Well, fire away. What would you like to know? The plan was to unilaterally evacuate from the Gaza Strip and North Samaria , and due to the lack of peace negotiations with the Palestinians at the time, the goal of improving Israel's security and international standing was at the forefront. I fully supported the event and ultimately was the one to suggest the disengagement plan, with talks beginning in early December of 2003 . My goal was to not cease the conflicts between former enemies but to form new relationships of coexistence with neighbouring Arab peoples, particularly the Palestinians. My ultimate goal was to establish good neighbourly relations with a Palestinian state . I hoped the plan could reignite the peace process with the Palestinians and enhance the security of the country , as at the time terror attacks on our civilians were at an all-time high . To achieve the objective, I was willing to commit billions of the state budget towards the plans and the temporary displacement of many Jewish communities, I often referred to this notion as “Paying the price for peace”. The closure of 42 day-care centres and 36 kindergartens, the dismantling of 38 synagogues, and the exhumation and relocation of 48 graves in the Gush Katif Cemetery, including those of six residents murdered by terrorists, are just a few examples of the temporary displacement of Jewish communities from the Gaza Strip and northern Samaria. Many of these people were relocated to the West Bank. I realised that for this plan to work, it would necessitate a significant sacrifice on the part of around 1,700 settlers and their families, totalling nearly 8,000 people who would have to abandon the homes and livelihoods they had built over decades. In the near term, these settlers were the ones who paid the highest price for peace . Previous administrations encouraged them to settle desolate territory and develop it into homes, gardens, and farms, in the same pioneering spirit that gave birth to Israel. They were now being urged to give up their achievements in the name of the greater good . I believe the proposal of the plan did increase the likelihood of peace to some extent as former Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority, Ahmed Qurei, was happy to see the removal of Gaza settlements only if they were followed by the removal of those in the West Bank. However, leaders such as Arafat strongly condemned the plan at the time, arguing it would result in far less land left entitled to them. I strongly condemn this description of my ‘supposed’ intentions for the proposal. I am aware that Palestinian leaders viewed my words as ineffective as supposedly actions reinforcing my words did not follow, however, the gridlock in communications between Israel and the Palestinian leaders during that time motivated me to ensure nothing derailed my plans. Throughout this I had the security of Israel and its civilians at heart, hoping this plan would reduce terrorism and boost our economy. In regard to my intentions being “suspicious and vague”, I have nothing to hide, and I have been open to Palestinian leaders, if you can recall my speech at the Fourth Herzliya Conference in 2003, I noted my conditions for the plan and laid out my main objectives for the plan. This speech is available to all, and I’m sure it was viewed by Palestinian leaders, so these ill-informed statements mean nothing to me as I know they are just an attempt to discredit what I’ve brought forward and worked hard for. I don’t believe this was the case at all, there was a persistent gridlock of communication between us and the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and northern West Bank, so in hopes of improving the situation and taking those first steps towards resuming the dialogue for peace, I took the initiative to begin negotiations within my cabinet with assistance from the US, presuming the Palestinian side would recognise this effort we’ve put towards peace negotiations and hopefully display the same willingness to cease terrorism and institute reforms as required by the Roadmap. If I’m being completely honest, the continuous attempts from Palestinian leaders to discredit Israel’s sincerity behind this plan and the doubts and absurd questions have been quite telling. The Palestinian leaders have yet to put forward a plan which encourages peace negotiations between us which aims to cease the security concerns against Israel. Instead of looking to pick apart what we have brought forward and attempt to discredit my cabinet and my hard work, I believe the Palestinian leaders need to have a hard look at themselves and remember what the soul aim of this plan was, to reignite the peace process with the Palestinians and enhance the security of our country , both peoples. As I awoke that was one of many questions, I had asked those around me. I was honestly quite astonished to hear of the situation in Gaza and ultimately disappointed that despite all our efforts, we are yet to reach a satisfactory level of peace within the area that is accepted by both Israelis and Palestinians. The territory within Gaza is currently under control of the militant group Hamas . We have made an effort to relinquish this control, but we are yet to be successful. I believe my plan was quite on track and may have ultimately been the solution we were looking for, however, conflict within the area excluding us, specifically the split of the Palestinian government throughout 2005 and 2006 derailed the resolution we were hoping to come to as violent conflict within the area rose exponentially. We have made efforts to cut off the militant group Hamas through tight control of the borders to remove their access to a continuous supply of weapons , to deescalate the situation in the area. You’re very much welcome.